Driving from the Backseat: An Exploratory
study of the dearth of Malaysian Women in political decision making process
Imam-Tamim, Muhammad Kamaldeen*1,
Najibah Mohd Zin2, Norliah Ibrahim3 ,
Roslina Che Soh4
1 aPhD
Researcher, Ahmad Ibrahim Kulliyyah of Laws (AIKOL), International Islamic
University Malaysia (IIUM), Lecturer, Department of Private and Property Law,
Faculty of Law, University of Ilorin.
2 Professor, AIKOL,
Islamic International University Malaysia.
3 Associate Professor,
Department of Islamic Law, AIKOL, IIUM.
4 Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Law, AIKOL, IIUM
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ABSTRACT |
Keywords: Malaysian Women, Women Rights, National
Development, Nation Building, Gender Rights in Malaysia. |
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The
place of women in decision making at various strata of living has been a
front burner issue in the current milieu. Population of women in Malaysia is
almost as equal the population of men. The Malaysian women have been found to
excel in academic and even professional labour market than the men. Thus,
they are naturally imbued with the skills and intellectual capabilities to
contribute to the Malaysian national development. Notwithstanding the
perceived superiority in the intellectual capability of the Malaysian women,
the number of women allowed to participate in nation building in the country
is abysmally low. Researches have shown that the women have been facing
challenges in assuming political positions where they can adequately and
practically contribute to national development. The paper involves an
exploratory legal research. Therefore, employing an analysis of both primary
and secondary documentary data, the paper investigates the factors that
contribute to the inhibition of Malaysian women in this regard despite their
landmark educational and professional progression and achievement. The paper
argues that Malaysia will profit in its national development and nation
building programmes if more women are allowed to participate in national
governance. There is therefore the need to introduce fresh approaches and
perspectives to the current efforts by the Malaysian government to ensure
that it keeps up with its commitment towards the millennium development
goals. © 2015 Publisher All rights reserved. |
To Cite
This Article: Imam-Tamim,
Muhammad Kamaldeen, Najibah Mohd Zin, Norliah Ibrahim , Roslina Che Soh. Driving from the Backseat: An Exploratory study of the dearth of
Malaysian Women in political decision making process. Journal of Asian and
African Social Science and Humanities, 1(1): 28-45, 2015
INTRODUCTION
Malaysia
has a considerable population of women who are almost as equal the population
of men. According to the Malaysian population clock, as at 25th day
of December, year 2014, the country’s population comprises 50.7 percent males
and 49.3 percent females (Country Meters, 2014). The Malaysian government has
since year 2000 been taking steps towards elevating the status of women (United
Nations, 2005). This has culminated in development of different gender
sensitive policies, creation of several gender- oriented state institutions and
financial support to gender based organisations. These efforts have led to
rapid increase in the number of girls that attend schools. This not only
bridged the yawning gap between male and female students at primary schools, it
also leads to the number of female students in secondary and tertiary
institutions surpassing that of male. According to a recent statement credited
to Dr. Mahathir, the females constitute 70 percent of the schools’ population
(Rahim 2014; Baradan, 2014). The increase in education of female has
consequently contributed to finding more females in almost all areas of the
labour sector ranging from the professional to the menial jobs. In fact, a
United Nations report (2005) showed significant increase of female in
professional jobs and attributed this to the increase in education. The
dominance of female in schools and the workplaces is attributed to higher
intelligence and commitment of the females than their male counterparts (Ka
Chuan, 2006; Pua, 2006; Pua, 2005). Although this proposition has been
disproved by various studies (Mazruki et al., 2012; Ngah, Jusoff & Abdul
Rahman, 2009; Khalili, n.d.), the findings in the studies contradicts an
official report by the United Nations that females consistently outperforms the
males in both the primary and secondary schools national examinations (United
Nations, 2011, 40, 42 & 48).
However, notwithstanding the
abundant availability of educated and qualified Malaysian women, their roles in
the political positions and decision making processes in the country have been
very significant low. Recently, the UMNO women leader advocated for adequate
role for women in decision making positions (Abdul Jalil, 2013; UMNO Wanita,
2013) and has been advocating for the post of vice president for women in the
ruling party (Abdul Jalil, 2013; “What is Shahrizat up to?”, 2014; Tan, 2014).
This is because the presence of Malaysian women in political positions where
they can contribute meaningfully to decision and policy making processes is
abysmally low. The women still find it difficult to attain pole positions in
national political structure.
This paper explores the current state of Malaysian
women in contributing to development and nation building and identifies some of
the factors inhibiting their potentialities in adequately contributing to
development and nation building in the country.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Malaysia
has taken various steps since merdeka
to improve human development through reduction of poverty. In year 2005, it was
declared that the country had met all the Millennium Development Goals
(Smiling, 2011; United Nations, 2005). One of the goals is the effort of
government to ensure that both women and men have equal access to basic social
amenities coupled with series of policies geared towards ensuring that more
women are integrated into the development processes while still maintaining
their traditional roles at the family, community and society levels (Smiling,
2011). This, it is believed, has enabled some women to contribute significantly
to national development but the extent to which the women folk could contribute
equal quota of development to the national polity as their male counterparts is
greatly limited due to certain cultural inclinations and practices that hamper
their participation in decision making and development processes (United
Nations, 2005).
Since
year 2000 when Malaysia joined other nations at the Millennium Summit in making
commitment to ensure gender equality (United Nations, 2005), the government has
taken efforts towards achieving this goal and encouraging results are believed
to have been gotten. For instance, in 2005, Richard Leete reported that the
high rate of gender disproportion that characterised the Malaysian educational
institutions was drastically reducing (see United Nations, 2005). It was
observed that females have geometrically outnumbered the males especially in
secondary and tertiary institutions (Kalthom Abdullah, Noraini M. Noor and
Saodah Wok, 2008; Rahim 2014; Baradan, 2014; Ka Chuan, 2006; Pua, 2006; Pua,
2005). This fact is supported by other international reports (United Nations,
2011; OECD, 2009; ADB, 2007). Consequently, the numbers of women who are
literate, employable and intellectually qualified to hold decision and policy
making positions also outnumber their male counterparts. But the number does
not reflect when it comes to holding position of power and their involvement in
the decision making process. The United Nations (2005) explained that the obvious
reason for the dearth of women at highly placed executive level in the labour
market is because more women pull out of job either when they marry or most
often when they start to give birth and they rarely return to work after they
stop birth. The reports contrasted this phenomenon to the situation in some
other countries with which Malaysia shares similar aspiration. In those
countries, women are neither forced nor encouraged to leave their job because
of child bearing and if they do, they are always reintegrated as soon as they
stop child birth (United Nations, 2005). Official statistics also point to the
fact that despite being more qualified, more women are unemployed (see United
Nations, 2011). Also, the current most active labour sector, the administrative
and managerial subsector still has fewer female employees than male (see
Malaysia, Department of Statistics, Labour Force Survey Reports, 2003, 2002, 2000, 1998, 1990, 1980, and 1975).
Although there is claim that the trend of the females getting employed in the
subsector is increasing, the rate of growth is significantly slow (see Kalthom
Abdullah, Noraini M. Noor and Saodah Wok, 2008). In a 2001 report it was found
that the women constituted 36 percent of the Malaysian workforce (Women’s Aid
Organisation, 2001). Although a report by the Department of Statistics (2013)
shows that the rate has increased in 2010 and 2011 to 46.8 percent and 47.9
percent respectively, the report further shows that their participation rate
has started to decline again. This, certainly, is diametrically opposed to the
population of females who are more literate and educated than the men.
One of the factors being blamed for the lagging of
women in decision making positions is the philosophical system that lies
beneath the dominant culture in the society (United Nations, 2010). The
philosophy is in turn hinged on religion, which some believe govern the ethical
structure of the society. Whichever way the debate goes, it has been noted that
religion, ethics, culture and tradition are so intertwined that to determine
which of them actually contributes most to gender inequality will be herculean
task (Gross, 1993; Ahmed, 2002; Mananzan, 2004; Rosenlee, 2006). Smiling (2011)
and Women’s Aid Organisation (2001) however observed that even though the
various religions and cultures applicable in Malaysia contain norms that are
capable of positively elevating the status of women, there are yet some other
norms that distinctly relegate the women’s status and prevent them from
contributing meaningfully to national development. It was further noted that
such norms sustain the stereotyping of gender roles and engender patriarchal
societal attitudes towards them. So, the women are culturally expected to be
more active only in domestic front, that is, to stay at home as the homemakers
and mothers. For those privileged to work, they are expected to give their
salaries to their husbands while many who were working before marriage were
forced to give up their jobs when they marry in order to fulfil their
traditional roles as mothers, wives and home keepers (United Nations 2011;
Women’s Aid Organisation, 2001). It was also observed that even the
establishment of Ministry of Women’s Affairs has not been able to rectify the
cultural anomaly as its creation only further emphasises the place of women in
the home and family life thereby depicting other roles of the women in the
society as secondary (Smiling, 2011; Women’s Aid Organisation, 2001). However,
while this argument may be true in some respect, Haji Faisal’s (1984)
explanation of the role of Malay women in political sector from the perspective
of Islam (which is the dominant religion and forming the foundation for the
dominant Malay culture in the country) shows that the religion has strong support
for their active participation in decision making processes. He gave references
from the Qur’an and Sunnah. He thus concluded that Islam does not prohibit
women from participating in the nation building. Karim (1992) also shows that
Malay traditions especially safeguards the right of women in active politics
and government and that they are indeed given roles in national political
parties but noted that the concept of male dominance as a ‘natural’ phenomenon
has curtailed their ability to compete equally with men on national arena of
politics. The women find it difficult to advance forward in the same sphere of
public activities as men who manipulate the modern bureaucratic political
structures to their advantage (Karim, 1992). This position is buttressed by
Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jelil, the national women leader of the UMNO, who
claimed that her call for creation of a vice president position for women has
not gotten a positive response from the male politicians (“What is Sharizat up
to?”, 2014).
Buttressing Smiling’s position, the United Nations
(2010, 2011) and Women’s Aid Organisation (2001) in separate reports noted that
even though Malaysia is fast becoming one of the countries having high human
development index (HDI), its efforts to substantially elevate the status of the
women and integrate them into decision making process is being marred by some
inhibiting factors prominent among which is traditional gender roles informed
by culture. It is observed that Malaysian societies, like in other Asian countries
still operate largely based on culture and tradition. These cultures and
traditions place much premium on family structure, which is considered as the
most important institution in the society. And the operation of the family is
run within the milieu and demarcation of gender roles for each sex (Inoguchi
and Newman, 1997). The attitude of the traditions and cultures to the role
expected to be played by each gender in the larger society is believed to have
impinged on effective participation of many women in decision-making processes,
especially politics thereby preventing them from adequately contributing to
national development as done by their peers in other jurisdictions (United
Nations, 2010). The attitude is equally considered as a significant trammel on
the effectiveness of the national plans and policies made by the country for
the enhancement of the women status. It is nonetheless admitted that the
country has established several encouraging socio-economic policies especially
by creating innovative and gender-focused laws, institutions and agencies,
creating enabling environment for formation of women organisations and
allocating not less than RM 20 million annually for them (United Nations, 2005;
United Nations, 2010).
Although there are statistical data showing that women
comprise almost half of the entire Malaysia population with 49.3 percent
(Country Meter, 2014), yet their presence in decision making structures of the
country is insignificant. For instance, it has been shown that one of the areas
of the national development where the impact of the women ought to have been
felt particularly in the area of decision-making and developmental role play is
the media industry because of the large percentage of the women in the industry
but that has not been the case (Azman Azwan Azmawati, 2008; Mohd. Hamdan Adnan,
1987; Azman Azwan Azmawati and Juliana Abdul Wahab, 2005). Rather, the women
are always generally depicted as stooges of the men. That is, some sort of
second class citizens in their society. It is thus found that the media
products, like dramas, news and other locally produced women programmes,
reflect the traditional stereotypical depiction of women’s roles as secondary
and subordinate character in both domestic and national development (Wang Lay
Kim (1994); Wang Lay Kim and Mustafa Kamal Anuar (1996) and Wang Lay Kim
(2000); Mustafa Kamal Anuar and Wang Lay Kim (1991, 1994); Azman Azwan Azmawati
and Juliana Abdul Wahab (2005)).
According
to Guimond et al. (2006), strong gender differences is common among cultures
where there are strong social comparisons concerning the kind of attributes and
roles that must be assumed by each gender group. Although findings by Williams
& Best (1986) suggests that stereotyping of gender roles appears to be a
trans-cultural phenomenon, yet Guimon et al (2007) found in another study that
the rate at which it operates in each society differs and what accounts for
such disparity is the operation of social comparison process and “the extent to
which men and women use the stereotype of their own group to define themselves”
(see also Garcia, Branscombe, Desmarais, & Gee, 2006). A factor that is
believed to contribute to strong social comparison and gender difference is
power distance culture (Hofstede, 1980, 2001; Bollinger & Hofstede, 1987;
Hofstede & McCrae, 2004). This is a kind of cultural disposition whereby
discrimination among persons holding different positions of power is viewed as
a normal (and even desirable) aspect of the social order (Guimond et al, 2007).
Such cultural disposition could be high or low. In the high power distance
cultures, social hierarchy is taken seriously and thus it is considered wrong
for people in different positions of power to share vertical relationship with
each other. The implication of this is that people who are privileged to assume
power platform and those outside the scope are rarely compared socially. Social
comparisons in this type of societies are rather restricted to intergroup level
(Guimond et al., 2007).
Due
to its communal nature, the Malaysian society has been constructed as operating
based on collectivist culture whereby members see themselves as an integrated
part of a micro society and construe themselves within the relational and
interdependent sphere of their respective group (Markus & Kitayama, 1991;
Kashima et al., 1995). The collectivist culture has been described as one in
which the individual members of the society tends to be more worried about how
his or her actions is viewed by other members of the society and will be
disposed to sacrificing his or her personal interest for the collective
interest of his or her group (Smith, Dugan, Peterson and Leung, 1996; Mohd. Haniff Jedin and Norsafinas Md. Saad,
2006). Such person would not mind whether the interest is rightly or
wrongly served. This attitude, while it may have served the community well also
has been a primary force in the traditional gender role stereotyping.
DATA AND METHODOLOGY
This study is
mainly exploratory. The Data came from library and online documents. The
library materials were mainly sourced from the Gombak Library of the
International Islamic University Malaysia. Data analyses therefore involved
qualitative content analysis of themes relevant to the discourse.
FINDINGS AND
DISCUSSION
Stereotyping
and typifying of women roles in the society
It is found that the plight of the Malaysian women and the lack of their
visible presence in nation building and national development is a result of the
cultural stereotyping of the womenfolk as child bearers and home keepers.
Examining the cause of gender differences from psychological perspective,
Guimond et al (2007) noted that the general perception of gender differences in
a society is a reflection of the process of stereotyping among the people whereby
members of each gender group assume certain stereotypical attributes. What this
implies is that both Malaysian men and women lived by the assumption that women
are traditionally designed to be at the backstage and take care of domestic
affairs. They are expected to be laid back and operate from the backstage.
It is found that Malaysia is one of the nations that score highest mark
for high power distance culture (Hofstede, 1980). This is because its societies
operate based on certain norms that legitimise differences in power (Brockner
et al., 2001). Consequently, the society is structured in a way that
intra-group social comparisons between men and women are rarely done.
Therefore, hardly would evidence be found comparing successes of women against
those of their male counterparts especially at the level of national
development. Another implication of this is that it has prevented the women
from taking a strong self-construal analysis of themselves. In a research aimed
at relating gender and culture to the use of language, a startling and related
revelation was made. The female respondents that participated in the research
construed themselves as being more talkative and emotional than
the male participants who are construed as assertive and less able to show
emotion (Leaper & Smith 2004; Michaud, Bégin & McDuff 2006;
Balakrishnan & Batat 2010; ). This result is supported by the view of a
Malay female religious teacher who described women as narrow minded,
superficial, immature, emotional and inferior compared to men (Hanami, 2002).
It is submitted that this perception is not always as natural as it seems but
the society has imposed upon them how they should
construe themselves (Wood, 1989) and they are contented with it. Thus they
found themselves living within the stereotyped attributes of agreeableness,
tenderness and taking care of relationships while men are supposed to be more
assertive, ambitious and open to ideas (McCrae, et al., 2005; Faculty.Css.edu,
n.d.). When attacked, males are expected to fight
back but females should not (Faculty.Css.edu, n.d.).
The point here though is not to argue that women should act aggressively
but there is nothing in the natural law that points to the fact that women
cannot be assertive, ambitious and open to ideas, which are some of the
attributes of good leaders. Therefore, by stereotyping the women to the
attribute of outright submissiveness, their aspirations to be leaders and
contribute to the national development have certainly been curtailed. The gist
behind this position is that what is considered as “masculine assertiveness”
has been associated with high earnings, recognition for good job, advancement
in career and challenge to achieve personal accomplishments (Faculty.Css.edu, n.d.).
Paucity of women in decision
making positions
The stereotyping of women roles and attitude via the high power distance
culture reflects apparently in the Malaysian political structure which is
dominated by male while women only play complimentary roles. Although women
carry about 50 percent of the Malaysian voters, the role they are being allowed
to play in decision making processes does not reflect this numerical strength
(Wang Lay Kim, 2005). According to Kim, “women’s penetration in higher posts
... is dismally small.” For example, statistics have shown that in 2004, there were 531 male members of state
parliaments but only 36 females; 16 parliamentary secretaries were male while
only 6 were female; out of 38 deputy ministers, only 3 were female just like
there were only 3 female cabinet ministers out of 33 (Off The Edge,
2005). Although, admittedly, there has been some slight
increase in the participation of women in the state and national politics, the
number is still insignificant (Azman Azwan Azmawati, 2008). This gap has been observed by the United Nations (2005), which
reported that despite their growing level of education (which evidently is
surpassing the men), the opportunities provided to the women to participate in
decision making and hence nation building has been minimal because they are not
given adequate chances of leading in vital political, economic and social
fields. Although, it is recently found that the women comprise almost
two-thirds of the Malaysian public service workforce, yet their rise in the
service has been generally restricted to middle-management positions (United
Nations, 2011, p.55). In a recent survey, it was found that although women
constituted 56 percent of the Malaysian public service in 2008 with 61 percent
of that population holding managerial positions (United Nations, 2011). They
however comprise only 22.8 percent of the top management cadre (United Nations,
2011). This shows that even though there are more qualified women who are
capable of heading government departments and Government-Linked Companies
(GLCs), only few are given the chance. Similarly, the representation of women
in the political positions reflects this trend. In the 2011 United Nations
report of the survey of the proportion of Malaysian women and men in the
political life in year 2008, it was found that the women constituted only 8
percent of political office holders. Even the proportion of women at
decision-making level in the corporate sector is also insignificant. Despite
the large population of women in the sector, only 6.1 percent are found to be
sitting on the Board of Directors while only 26.2 percent rise to the top
management level (Malaysia Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development,
2008).
One of the dire consequences of meagre participation
of women in decision making is likely lopsidedness in the fashioning
developmental policies that will impact positively on their lives. Furthermore,
the failure to integrate the women substantially into the mainstream of policy
and decision making processes will only further engender the high power
distance cultural stance of the Malaysian society thereby isolating and
discriminating against them (Hong, 1983).
One of the identified purposes of the
vigorous pursuit of the MDGs is to ensure that Malaysia shirks isolationism and
imbibe global partnership by working in tandem with developed nations while
serving as the beacon of development for other developing nations (United
Nations, 2005). But a critical look at the programmes outlined for women
empowerment shows that the women appear not to be considered for any role in
this regard. This could inform the paucity of women in high-profile positions
where they could make developmental changes at a global level. This role could also be achieved by women as it has been done in other
jurisdictions. Examples can be found in Margaret Thatcher of Britain,
Condoleezza Rice and Hilary Clinton of the United States or Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala
of Nigeria to mention but a few.
Lack of strong
political commitment to encourage wider participation of women in politics and
leadership schemes
It is
acknowledged that Malaysia has taken efforts to improve the status of the
women. But the small number of women who are given opportunity to contribute to
national development belies those efforts. For instance, it has been noted that
the national mechanisms put in place by the country are generally ineffective
in influencing political decisions that are capable of improving the position
of women in national development (United Nations, 2010). Even for national
mechanisms situated at the Cabinet or Prime Minister’s offices, have been found
to be bypassed for supposedly more pressing concerns where there are competing
demands (United Nations, 2010). There have several complaints by national women
mechanisms that they are marginalised compared to other state institutions
(United Nations, 2010). Government supports have equally been low as such
national women machineries suffer from low budget allocations, inadequate
staffing and insufficient authority to liaise with related government
departments at the lower level of implementation of relevant government
policies (United Nations, 2010; ESCAP 2009). Many of these women machineries
were established as administrative offices with no portfolio to make them operate
actively in advocating for inclusion of women in high profile decision making
positions (United Nations, 2010). All these constraints point to the fact that
the government though has objective geared towards elevating the status of
women, the scope of the objective appears not to cover elevating their status
politically. This explains why the political systems and structures of
governance are still not fully imbued with concrete arrangements of how the
women will be fully integrated in active national policy making and
implantation of those policies.
CONCLUSION AND
RECOMMENDATIONS
Women
constitute a significant percentage of the Malaysian population. It has been
found that more Malaysian women attain higher education than their male
counterparts. However these feats do not reflect in the allowance given to
women to contribute more actively to national political efforts towards nation
building and national development. This setback has been attributed to certain
traditional practices that encourage stereotyping of gender roles between the
men and the women. By this, the women are believed to be naturally created to
contribute more to domestic and communal development while the men are expected
to control the political front. While some writers have blamed this attitude on
religion and culture, others have refuted this blame by showing that both the
religions, especially Islam and cultures operating among the Malaysians
encourages active participation of women in national politics so long it does
not affect their other roles in the society.
The Malaysian government has taken
some steps to bring women into active participation in politics but not so much
to allow them participate more in national decision making process or holding
national positions that will enable them contribute to the efforts of the
country to be among the world’s developed nation. Some of the machineries put
in place by the government have declined in the initial momentum while the
goals for which they were established are yet to be met. This reflects in the
disjunction between the educational achievements of the women and their
physical presence and roles in national development. There is therefore the
need to introduce fresh approaches and perspectives to the government’s efforts
to ensure that it keeps up its commitment at the millennium summit. It is
believed that there would be an improvement in the Malaysian development if the
Malaysian government harnesses the women’s traditional roles as homemakers,
domestic partners and friends.
It will be ordinarily expected that
the growing level of women’s education should translate equally to more
participation in decision making processes but this apparently is not the case.
It is therefore essential to provide more chances for the women to vie for and
assume more primal leadership positions in political, social and economic
spheres of the country. This could be achieved through many means among which
include:
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